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Seven weeks ago, when Julian Assange was dragged out of the Ecuadorian embassy in London, headed for possible extradition to the United States, the WikiLeaks editor, Kristinn Hrafnsson, told us the legal charges waiting for Assange in the US were "just the tip of the iceberg". And that there would be more coming.

Last week, he was proven right. US prosecutors have expanded the indictment against Assange by another 17 counts. His maximum jail term has jumped from five years to 175 years. And the US Department of Justice is going after him under a different law now, the Espionage Act.

That law has been used against whistleblowers before, WikiLeaks source Chelsea Manning included, but never against a publisher. The alarm bells, including from mainstream media organisations that fear the precedent such a prosecution would set have been going off ever since.

The Assange case isn't really about him or WikiLeaks anymore. It has implications, serious ones - for journalists just about everywhere.

"This is the first time that the government has brought a charge under the 1917 World War One era Espionage Act, which is supposed to cover spying, not disclosing information to journalists," explains Gabe Rottman, project director, Reports Committee for Freedom of the Press. "It's the first time that the government has brought charges under the Espionage Act based exclusively on the receipt and publication of government secrets."

When the Department of Justice announced the indictment, it held a closed-door briefing for journalists. It was on the record but off camera.

The head of the department's national security division was widely quoted on Assange's journalistic credentials.

"The department takes seriously the role of journalists in our democracy", he said. "It is not and never has been the department's policy to target them for reporting. But Julian Assange is no journalist".

"But the question about whether Julian Assange is a journalist or not is irrelevant," contends Trevor Timm, executive director, Freedom of the Press Foundation. "The First Amendment does not bestow upon journalists a certain set of rights, they bestow everybody those rights whether they call themselves a journalist or not ... I think everyone can agree that Donald Trump shouldn't be the one deciding who is a journalist and who isn't."

The use of the Espionage Act by the Department of Justice galvanised media outlets alarmed at the implications. Not for Julian Assange. For themselves.

The Washington Post called the case "a blueprint for making journalists into felons".

The New York Times' editorial board said the indictment "aims at the heart of the First Amendment".

And the Guardian's former editor called the charges "a grave threat to free media".

All that pushback felt like too little, too late. Assange has been treated like a pariah by those same news outlets. And even now, with all the Assange indictments out there, those news outlets are clearly more concerned with possible legal precedents affecting them - than they are about the fate of their one-time source.

"You can be critical of Julian Assange and there may be many good reasons to take issue with the way that Assange has conducted himself and the way that WikiLeaks has released information to the public," says Caroline DeCell, staff lawyer, Knight First Amendment Institute.

"But the charges brought against him in this indictment sweep much more broadly into the realm of typical journalistic practice. The news media organisations that have reacted to this with alarm have done so with a full appreciation of the signal that this indictment sends to the press."

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Start from the beginning and watch part 1/3 here: http://bit.ly/Cowboy-Capitalists-1

For maverick entrepreneur Ian Cox, Africa is the last frontier of free enterprise. The former small-time hustler has been busting his ass on the continent for years, selling and moving merchandise. In 2012 he nabbed a lucrative United Nations contract to transport equipment from South Africa to South Sudan, a country on many countries' embargo list. The other problem: the journey north entails passing through countless checkpoints and dealing with bribe-happy officials and their nonsensical paperwork and regulations.

Photographer and filmmaker Tim Freccia followed around Ian and the guys he hired for this job. "Cowboy Capitalists" documents their attempts to navigate the continent's dangerous roads and bureaucratic chaos.

Click here for part 2/3: http://bit.ly/Cowboy-Capitalists-2

Watch our other documentary about truckers in Africa, "West African Truckers" here: http://bit.ly/West-African-Truckers

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In an announcement Tuesday morning, Attorney General Jeff Sessions put an end to Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, the Obama-era program that protected young undocumented immigrants from deportation and allowed them to work legally in the United States.

Although the Trump administration opted to delay the DACA repeal by six months, giving a window to congress to come up with a legislative solution to the problem, the announcement threw the lives of DACA recipients into a tailspin as they tried to figure out how to salvage the careers and educations the program empowered them to start.

In Seattle, Luis Cortes Romero, an immigration attorney who represents DACA clients and is a DACA recipient himself, fielded an onslaught of anxious messages as he assessed the consequences the administration’s decision would have on his own life.

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